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Minimum Wage Proposal A Small Step

In his State-of-the-Union Address President Obama proposed raising the federal minimum wage to $9.00 per hour and indexing it to inflation. He said a family of four with two children still lives below the poverty line when one parent works full-time at minimum wage. The proposed increase would lift them out of poverty, he said.


by Google Images

What a welcome suprise! Virtually no attention was given to the working poor in the last election. In the past decade real wages rapidly declined for the working poor, driving ever more citizens into the grip of intractable poverty.

When a person works full-time for a profitable company their compensation should enable them to care for their family. When this isn’t the case, they must rely on taxpayer-subsidized housing, food stamps, medical care, daycare, or other supportive services. This takes a toll. It  can erode a person’s dignity and self-worth. It can foster a sense of inadequacy or self-loathing.

On a social level the working poor are often labeled and marginalized. They are deemed to be less worthy. They are less likely to be promoted or rehired after a layoff. Any economic hardship at all can lock them into a cycle of poverty where their hope for a better life evaporates with each passing year. Escaping poverty in America  today is the exception, not the rule.

Many wealthy companies are just as dependent on government subsidies for cheap labor. Without taxpayer assistance for their workers these companies would have to pay a living wage in order to maintain a stable workforce.

And what is wrong with that? Shouldn’t adequate compensation be part of the cost of doing business? Why should business owners be allowed to pad their profits by cutting labor costs at taxpayer expense?

We can expect the pro-business lobby to oppose an increase in low-wage pay while calling for more spending cuts and lower business taxes. Austerity can’t create more jobs and spending cuts will never result in more pay for low-wage earners. Only an increase in the minimum wage or a living-wage law can do that.

Pro-business economists will claim that a higher minimum wage will increase unemployment and hamstring businesses, especially small businesses. Much evidence suggests the opposite. Higher minimum wages have a simulative effect on the economy. The extra $1.75 per hour will be spent immediately, boosting business profits and sparking more demand.

The pro-business lobby will claim the proposed increase is excessive, but here the facts are against them. Even President Obama got this wrong. The poverty wage for a family of four is current $10.60 per hour. If passed, President Obama’s proposal would still means a minimum-wage worker would have to work overtime, take another part-time job, or have their spouse work part-time to reach the poverty line.

And what does it really mean to be at the poverty line? Does this make a family economically self-sufficient?

No, it does not. A living wage to lift a family of four above the need for taxpayer subsidies is considerably higher. In Wyoming, for example, a living wage for this family is $16.93 per hour. In Virginia it is $20.88 per hour, and in California it is $22.15 per hour. These figures are not government artifacts. They are actual costs based on local free-market economies.

While business owners and corporations may squeal at the size of the proposed increase in the minimum wage, they would still benefit greatly from taxpayer subsidies for their low-wage employees. Raising the minimum wage shifts some of the burden of caring for employees to the employers, but not much. It still doesn’t hold wealthy corporations responsible for their low-wage workers or for the harm that poverty wages inflict on their families.

Do Pro-business Policies Reduce Poverty?

President Calvin Coolidge once said, “… the business of the American people is business”.  He was quoted out of context at the time.  His remarks were aimed at newspaper reporters who were inept at covering business news, but this intentional misquotation seemed to sum up his economic policies.

Today this misquote seems prophetic. Political leaders from both parties speak as if whatever benefits business benefits the people.  State governments offer tax breaks and business friendly regulations to attract companies that might bring in more jobs.  This is especially true in less wealthy states where poverty rates are high.  President Lyndon Johnson’s “War on Poverty” has been transformed into pro-business politics and the promise of work for the worthy.

It is true that the poor need jobs, but the causes of poverty are more complex.  There is little regard for other factors such as the need for quality daycare, health care access, job training or transportation. Journalists rarely asks politicians how they plan to help the poor.  When they do, candidates talk about their plans to grow the economy.  This has some become an acceptable answer.

The insurgent idea that serving business interests is the best way to fight poverty arguably arose in the mid 1970s when corporate interest groups were forming and the business lobby became a powerful influence on Congress.   This was the high water mark of American unions as organized business groups launched campaigns to turn Congress and public opinion against them.

At the same time, these industry lobbying groups began fermenting hysteria over the growing “welfare state.”  The poor were poor, they argued, because anti-poverty programs make people dependent on government handouts while government regulations restrict the ability of companies to create jobs for those willing to work.  According to their narrative, government needed to spend more resources supporting commercial interests and deregulating markets.  President Reagan road these pro-business, anti-union, anti-government sentiments to the White House in 1980.

The success of the pro-business movement is evident.  In this past election Mitt Romney’s entire presidential campaign centered around the idea that business prosperity was key to growing jobs and the economy. The California Republican Party explicitly incorporates this thinking in their core beliefs:

“” each person is responsible for his or her own place in society. The Republican philosophy is based on limiting the intervention of government as a catalyst of individual prosperity” Republicans believe free enterprise has brought economic growth and innovations that have made this country great. Government should help stimulate a business environment where people are free to use their talents. “[California Rep Committee Philosophy http://cagop.org/inner.asp?z=585A]

In other words, it is the role of government to facilitate the business economy but each individual’s responsibility to avail themselves of the opportunities businesses provide.

The sufficiency of robust commerce to lift all boats isn’t just a conservative or partisan idea. It is expressed and pursued often by Democrats as well. In this last election even President Obama avoided talking about the poor by referring to them as “those aspiring to be middle class.”  There was almost no mention by either party of how they would accomplish this beyond trying to grow the economy.

So how well is our pro-business politics working out for the poor? This should be an empirical question that can be tested by examining the data. Are business interests and the interests of the poor perfectly aligned? Are there points of departure where the needs of some folks cannot be met without compromising some business interests?  Most importantly, does the data show that when businesses are doing well there are more jobs and better wages?

Profits, Employment and Wages 

Corporate profits are a measure of how well businesses are doing, so conventional wisdom would say wages and employment should rise and fall commensurate with corporate profits.    The hypothesis is that when companies do well there are more good paying jobs and therefore less poverty.  Is there evidence to the contrary?

In June of 2012, the St. Louis Federal Reserve released data showing a number of economic indicators over the last 71 years.  Using their report, the graph below plots corporate profits (CP) as a percentage of gross domestic product (GDP) from 1940 to 2011. GDP is total value of all the goods and services sold and a good measure our economy. The shaded areas represent periods of recession.  This graph shows that corporate profits rebounded since the 2007 recession and are at the highest level since 1940. The recession is clearly over for corporate America.


Corporate Profits to GDP by St. Louis Federal Reserve

Does it therefore hold true that robust corporate profits mean more jobs?  The next graph plots the number of employed Americans as a percentage of our population. This graph uses an employment per population percentage because the population doesn’t stop growing during recessions.  A fair comparison over time has to incorporate population growth for the same reason dollar comparisons over time have to factor in inflation.


Civilian Employment to Population Ratios by St. Louis Federal Reserve

This above graph shows that there are actually fewer people working today as a percentage of the population than at any time in the past thirty years. Last June, in an article related to this graphs, Business Insider magazine speculated that one reason corporations are so profitable is that they aren’t employing as many Americans.

Does it also hold true that robust corporate profits means better wages?  The next graph depicts the total amount of U.S. wages paid as a percentage of the value of all goods and services sold (GDP). It shows that wages are at an all-time low relative to the wealth being generated.  If jobless recoveries are one reason for record corporate profits, the decline in wages pictured in this next graph may be the other.

US Wages as a percentage of GDP by St. Louis Federal Reserve

It turns out that the null hypothesis is true.  Corporate profits are at a record high, employment and wages are at a record lows and the notion that what is good for business is good for people is false. The stock markets have recovered.  Corporate profits have recovered, but the financial well-being of families have declined. Median incomes are shrinking and prospects for the poor are increasingly dismal.

Are Measures of Business Competitiveness Compatible with the Interests of Individuals? 

When considering what factors make businesses more competitive it’s best to take a broad global view. A global survey of business competitiveness was recently conducted and released by the World Economic Forum. The study on global business competitiveness ranks 144 nations according to indicators grouped in 12 general categories.

Overall, the United States is very competitive, ranking 7th out of 144 countries. When you drill down in some of the 12 categories, however, you find indicators favorable for business that are clearly at odds with worker interests.  For example, In the area of “Labor Efficiency” the U.S. labor “redundancy” costs are low, which means it doesn’t cost as much here to fire employees.  This makes us more competitive (12th place) on this measure. This variable includes the estimated costs of providing advance layoff notices, severance payments any penalties that other countries might impose on employers for terminating “redundant” workers. The U.S. may be more competitive in this measure, but is this factor good for individual workers?  Does it reduce poverty?

The U.S. also did well (8th) when it comes to the ease of hiring and firing people. All of this makes for a “flexible” work force, which is good for business, but does it stabilize the workforce or encourage employers to try and weather out minor economic storms?

Are the states with the most competitive business environments doing better at lifting people out of poverty?

Every year for the past five years CNBC has scored all 50 states on 43 measures of business competitiveness.  This survey was developed with input from business groups including the National Association of Manufacturers and the Council on Competitiveness. States receive points based on their rankings in each factor and the factors are organized into broader categories. I was unable to locate a detailed list of factors within each category, but  CNBC has published general descriptions of each category. In the category of “Workforce” for instance, they indicate that the prevalence of unions in a state is a negative factor for business competitiveness, while lower costs of doing business is a positive factor. Among the factors creating low costs for doing business are lower tax rates and tax incentives or tax abatement for business.  The general category findings for each state are published.

The hypothesis, again, is that when companies are doing well there are more good paying jobs and less poverty.  So it follows that the states with the most competitive business environments should also be the states with the lowest rates of poverty.

To test this I used the CNBC business competitive findings to compare ten states with the highest poverty rates and ten states with the lowest poverty rates. The high poverty states, starting with the highest poverty rate, are Mississippi, Arkansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, New Mexico, West Firginia, Oklahoma, Texas, Alabama, and South Carolina. The ten states with the lowest rates of poverty, starting from the top, are New Hampshire, Mariland, Alaska, New Jersey, Hawaii, Connecticut, Wyoming, Utah, Minnesota and Massachusetts.  The results of this analysis are found in the table below.


State poverty levels and business competitiveness by Brian Lynch.  Business Competitiveness Rankings are from CNBC’s Top States for Business Special Report: ttp://www.cnbc.com/id/100000994 

It is striking that states with the highest poverty levels are also states that are more business competitive. The average rank in “Overall Business Competitiveness” for high poverty states is 7 points higher (more business friendly) than the rank for low poverty states.  In the “cost of business” category, high poverty states have an average rank of 18 versus 37 for low poverty states.  In the “workforce” category, which includes the prevalence of unions in a state, the high poverty states have an average rank of 20 versus 32 in low poverty states. 

Despite being “business friendly”, the ten high poverty states have over eight million poor citizens while the ten low poverty states have just over three million poor. There may be some political asymmetry as well since 7 out of 10 states with the high poverty rates have conservative Republican governors, while 6 out of 10 low poverty states have Democratic governors.

Conclusions

It is clear that pro-business politics, which puts commercial interests above the individual’s interests, isn’t working for the poor or for most Americans.  While a healthy economy is necessary for individual prosperity, it is clearly not sufficient.   What is best for business may be good for some, but not for all of our citizens.  There are certain business interests at odds with individual interests. Our political leaders need to acknowledge this when making policy.

The total dominance of pro-business politics has successfully crowded out meaningful debate on how to help the poor, the ranks of whom are swelling every year.  The poor are more marginalized and invisible than ever.  Almost no one speaks for them.  There is no hope for them in the more competitive business policies being proposed.  In fact, business prosperity is no longer well correlated with job growth or adequate pay, so plans to grow the economy ring hollow. The social contact that once pegged wage increases with increased productivity is broken. As a result, big business can flourish while the welfare of workers and the poor decline. This is unacceptable.

The ascendance of pro-business politics has given rise to commerce without conscience and too many ordinary citizens are being left behind.  We need to change the dialogue and strike a better balance.  We need to reclaim the role that government must play in meeting the needs of all our people.

Do Business Friendly Policies Reduce Poverty?

Do Business Friendly Policies Reduce Poverty?. A look at the numbers.

Half of All Full-time Employees Earn Less Than $19/hr.

DATA DRIVEN VIEW POINT:  There are 103.6 million full-time workers in America, half of whom make $758 per week or less before income taxes and other payroll deductions.  That means a full time worker supporting a family of 4 and making the median U.S. wage needs, and is income eligible for, supplemental food assistance (SNAP).  These employees work a minimum of 35 hours per week, but may be working more than 40 hours per week as this income includes tip, commissions and overtime. It doesn’t include employer benefits.  All self-employed persons are excluded.
If the average hours worked per week is between 40 and 50 hours, the median hourly wage would be between $15 and $19 dollars per hour (with any overtime pay included). Again, that means that almost half of all full-time employees make less than $15 to $19 dollars per hour.  By inference, this means a great many full-time employees are making close to minimum wage. Also of note is the significant wage disparity between men and woman, especially among White and Asian women.
American workers are simply not being paid enough.  Any business hiring a full-time employee and paying less than a living wage should be taxed the difference between the employees wages and the taxpayer supported supplemental services that person is entitled to receive.

Bureau of Labor Statistics
For release 10:00 a.m. (EDT) Thursday, October 18, 2012   USDL-12-2072
Technical information: (202) 691-6378  •  cpsinfo@bls.gov  •  www.bls.gov/cps
Media contact: (202) 691-5902  •  PressOffice@bls.gov

USUAL WEEKLY EARNINGS OF WAGE AND SALARY WORKERS THIRD QUARTER 2012

Median weekly earnings of the nation’s 103.6 million full-time wage and salary workers were $758 in the third quarter of 2012 (not seasonally adjusted), the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics reported today.

This was 0.7 percent higher than a year earlier, compared with a gain of 1.7 percent in the Consumer Price Index for All Urban Consumers (CPI-U) over the same period.

Data on usual weekly earnings are collected as part of the Current Population Survey, a nationwide sample survey of households in which respondents are asked, among other things, how much each wage and salary worker usually earns. (See the Technical Note.) Data shown in this release are not seasonally adjusted unless otherwise specified. Highlights from the third-quarter data are:

  • Seasonally adjusted median weekly earnings were $765 in the third quarter of 2012, little changed from the previous quarter ($773). (See table 1.)
  • On a not seasonally adjusted basis, median weekly earnings were $758 in the third quarter of 2012. Women who usually worked full time had median weekly earnings of $685, or 82.7 percent of the $828 median for men. (See table 2.)
  • The female-to-male earnings ratio varied by race and ethnicity. White women earned 83.4 percent as much as their male counterparts, compared with black (93.2 percent), Hispanic (87.5 percent), and Asian women (73.1 percent). (See table 2.)
  • Among the major race and ethnicity groups, median weekly earnings for black men working at full-time jobs were $633 per week, or 74.1 percent of the median for white men ($854). The difference was less among women, as black women’s median earnings ($590) were 82.9 percent of those for white women ($712). Overall, median earnings of Hispanics who worked full time ($556) were lower than those of blacks ($606), whites ($780), and Asians ($915). (See table 2.)
  • Usual weekly earnings of full-time workers varied by age. Among men, those age 45 to 54 and 55 to 64 had the highest median weekly earnings, $976 and $980, respectively. Usual weekly earnings were highest for women age 35 to 64; weekly earnings were $740 for women age 35 to 44, $754 for women age 45 to 54, and $766 for women age 55 to 64. Workers age 16 to 24 had the lowest median weekly earnings, at $437. (See table 3.)
  • Among the major occupational groups, persons employed full time in management, professional, and related occupations had the highest median weekly earnings—$1,300 for men and $948 for women. Men and women employed in service jobs earned the least, $530 and $440, respectively. (See table 4.)
  • By educational attainment, full-time workers age 25 and over without a high school diploma had median weekly earnings of $464, compared with $648 for high school graduates (no college) and $1,170 for those holding at least a bachelor’s degree. Among college graduates with advanced degrees (professional or master’s degree and above), the highest earning 10 percent of male workers made $3,448 or more per week, compared with $2,311 or more for their female counterparts. (See table 5.)

Revision of Seasonally Adjusted Usual Weekly Earnings Data The Usual Weekly Earnings news release for the fourth quarter of 2012 will incorporate annual revisions to seasonally adjusted data for the number of full-time wage and salary workers and median weekly earnings in current dollars. (See table 1.) Estimates for constant (1982-84) dollar median weekly earnings also will be affected by revisions to the current dollar series.  Seasonally adjusted estimates back to the first quarter of 2008 will be subject to revision.


Go to Tables: http://www.bls.gov/news.release/pdf/wkyeng.pdf

High School Graduation Rates A National Disgrace

Educational achievement can be viewed as a long range predictor of a nations economic health and well being.  In advanced economies, a great deal depends on scientific and technical advantages.

A recent report from the World Economic Forum published a study on global business competitiveness that ranks 144 nations according to indicators in 12 categories.  While the United State ranked 7th in the world over all, our ranking in primary and secondary education measures were alarming.  The united states ranked 58th on primary school enrollments and 38th on the quality of our primary education. We ranked 47th in secondary school enrollment and 47th on the quality of math and science education.  (See report summary here )

Now the U.S. Department of Education has released data detailing state four-year high school graduation rates in 2010-11 – the first year for which all states used a common, rigorous measure. The report states:

“The varying methods formerly used by states to report graduation rates made comparisons between states unreliable, while the new, common metric can be used by states, districts and schools to promote greater accountability and to develop strategies that will reduce dropout rates and increase graduation rates in schools nationwide.

The new, uniform rate calculation is not comparable in absolute terms to previously reported rates. Therefore, while 26 states reported lower graduation rates and 24 states reported unchanged or increased rates under the new metric, these changes should not be viewed as measures of progress but rather as a more accurate snapshot. “

See States Four Year Graduation Rates here: http://www2.ed.gov/documents/press-releases/state-2010-11-graduation-rate-data.pdf  In reading the summary below please keep in mind that no data was available from Idaho, Kentucky, Oklahoma or Puerto Rico and some other states had data missing.

Summary of Finding

The highest graduation rate achieved by any state is in Iowa, which as an 88% high school graduation rate.  Wisconsin and Vermont were right behind Iowa with an 87% graduation rate.  The lowest high school graduation rate is just 59% in the District of Colombia.  Among the sovereign states the lowest graduation rates  were in Nevada (62%), New Mexico (63%), Georgia (67%), Alaska and Oregon  (both at 68%).  All together, 13 states have high school graduation rates at or below 75%.

When it comes to race and ethnicity, the graduation rates for Latino children in Maine and Hawaii are slightly better then for White students.  Beyond these two examples, in every other state the rates are lower for both Black and Latino students, and significantly so in some states.  In Minnesota and Nevada Black student have a graduation rate below 50%.  The disparity in Minnesota is stark.  White students in Minnesota graduate at a rate of 84% while the Latino graduation rate is 51% and only 49% of Black students graduate.  These numbers and other dramatic disparities among the states are a national disgrace.

Even more startling is the low graduation rates and huge rate disparity for children with disabilities.  Graduation rates for these children range from a high of  77% in Texas, 75% in Arkansas and 73% in both Kansas and New Jersey to a low of 23% in Mississippi and Nevada.  Only 33 states have graduation rates above 50% among children with disabilities.  Children with disabilities are not more severely handicapped in places like Louisiana (29%) than Pennsylvania (71%).

Children with limited English proficiency also graduate at lower rates in most states, but especially in Nevada (29%) and Arizona (25%).  Students with limited English proficiency actually have a better graduation rate in West Virginia (79%) than do White children for whom English is their primary language (77%).  In states as diverse as Arkansas and Maine limited English proficiency is hardly a barrier at all.  Nineteen states have high school graduation rates of less than 50% for children for whom English is not their primary language.

I would appear that childhood disabilities and limited English proficiency are not  that closely correlated with economic disadvantage.  There are no states in which the graduation rate for economically disadvantaged children falls below 50%.  In Arizona, for example, economically disadvantaged students have a 73% graduation rate and students with disabilities have a 67% rate of graduation while, as mentioned, students for whom need help learning English have a very low graduation rate (25%).  In the case of Mississippi economically disadvantaged students graduate at a rate of 69% while only 23% of disabled children graduate high school.

So what’s going on here?  From the broad strokes of this report it would seem that poor educational outcomes are less a result of funding or the demographics of being economically poor and more a matter of selective neglect for some student populations.  I this judgment is too harsh.  However, no matter how you look at this data, United States appears heading for national decline if we remain unable to turn around these educational outcomes.

Some US Census Data on Poverty in America

POVERTY IN THE UNITED STATES – Highlights

• The official poverty rate in 2010 was 15.1 percent—up from 14.3 percent in 2009. This was the third consecutive annual increase in the poverty rate. Since 2007, the poverty rate has increased by 2.6 percentage points, from 12.5 percent to 15.1 percent

• In 2010, 46.2 million people were in poverty, up from 43.6 million in 2009—the fourth consecutive annual increase in the number of people in poverty

• Between 2009 and 2010, the poverty rate increased for non-Hispanic Whites (from 9.4 percent to 9.9 percent), for Blacks (from 25.8 percent to 27.4 percent), and for Hispanics (from 25.3 percent to 26.6 percent). For Asians, the 2010 poverty rate (12.1 percent) was not statistically different from the 2009  poverty rate.

• The poverty rate in 2010 (15.1 percent) was the highest poverty rate since 1993 but was 7.3 percentage points lower than the poverty rate in 1959, the first year for which poverty estimates are available

• The number of people in poverty in 2010 (46.2 million) is the largest number in the 52 years for which poverty estimates have been published.

• Between 2009 and 2010, the poverty rate increased for children under age 18 (from 20.7 percent to 22.0 percent) and people aged 18 to 64 (from 12.9 percent to 13.7 percent), but was not statistically different for people aged 65 and older (9.0 percent).

What?  Your in the middle class?  How does this relate to you?

 

INCOME IN THE UNITED STATES – Highlights

• Real median household income was $49,445 in 2010, a 2.3 percent decline from 2009.

• Since 2007, the year before the most recent recession, real median household income has declined 6.4 percent and is 7.1 percent below the median household income peak that occurred in.

• Both family and non-family households had declines in real median income between 2009 and 2010. The income of family households declined by 1.2 percent to $61,544; the income of non-family households declined by 3.9 percent to $29,730.

Take the Labor Quiz

How much to you know about economic changes in America’s labor force over the last 30 years?  Apart from the occasional new article on Labor Day, few of us give much thought to the extraordinary sacrifices that were required of prior generations in order to bring us the level of comfort and dignity so many of us enjoy today. But the blessing our grand parents and great grand parents fought so hard to bring us are beginning to disappear.  America, once the leader in raising up the middle class, has fallen behind many other advanced nations.  

An article entitled “The Speedup” in the July-August, 2011 edition of Mother Jones, written by Monika Bauerlein and Clara Jeffery, takes a look at this issue.  I created a pop quiz based on some of the facts in the article. Take the quiz to see how well you are doing as an American worker. There are only 7 questions, so it won’t take long.  The answers are below.  If you score very high you should take the afternoon off, maybe.

 

1.      What does the USA have in common with Papua New Guinea, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Samoa and Swaziland?

       a.       We all celebrate the Fourth of July

       b.      Like us, baseball is their national pass-time.

       c.       We are the only six nations on earth that don’t have mandatory paid maternity leave.

 

2.      In the last 30 years, American worker productivity (which can be measured as the amount of work we accomplish per hour) has:

       a.       Declined by 75%

       b.      Increased by 140%

       c.       Increased by over 240%

 

3.      Increased productivity means more company profits since the labor costs per item is lower.  So, given your answer to question number 2 above, in the past 30 years the average overall wages in the US has:

       a.       Decreased by 20%

       b.      Increased by over 50%

       c.       Increased by only 16%

 

4.      Over this same 30 year period, the average income of the top 1% of Americans:

       a.       Increased by 20%

       b.      Increased by 40%

       c.       Increased by over 80%

 

5.     The number of hours everyone works in a given week is something that impacts our family life, and the nations GDP.  Germany has the highest GDP in Europe.  So how many more hours per year (actual time on the job) do American’s work compared to German workers?

       a.       We work 80 hours, or almost two weeks more per year.

       b.      We work 198 hours, or almost five weeks more per year.

       c.       We work 378 hours, or almost 10 weeks more per year.

 

6.      In this current recession the GDP of every nation initially plunged, but no nation was hit harder than Japan.  Japan’s GDP dropped twice as much as did ours.  So when it comes to jobs lost, which nation has the worst unemployment rate?

       a.       Canada

       b.      Japan

       c.       USA

 

7.      One last question.  In 1950 nearly 35% of all wage or salary earners in America were in a union.  What percentage of this group were union members as of last year?:

a.              About 25%

b.             Almost 20%

c.              Less than 15%

 

If you answered each of the above question with option C you are well informed.  Congratulations!   

 

If you didn’t answer C to any of the questions, you really should read the article in Mother Jones. 

In fact, we all need to be better informed so we can come together to restore a measure of economic justice in America.  Here are a few additional details regarding each of the quiz questions:

 

1.      Not only is the US only one of 6 countries that don’t have paid maternity leave, we are one of 16 nations that don’t require our workers to have time off each week.  We are one of only 9 nations that don’t require businesses to offer a paid annual leave.  Every one of our competitor nations provide this for their citizens.

 

2.      While productivity has soared in the last 30 years by over 240%, the real value increase in the minimum wage since 1990 went up by just 21%.  The increase in the cost of living rose 67% since 1990.  Our output of goods and services in most sectors of the economy far outstrips the employment that most of these sectors create. 

 

3.      While income for the wealthiest 1% of American’s rapidly rises every year, the wealth owned by the rest of us actually declined slightly during the Regan years until about 1997.  The increase since then is anemic compared to the enormous amount of wealth created by our great American labor force.

 

4.      The rise in income among the wealthy, as large as it is, pales in compared to their rise in wealth.  The top 20% of the wealthiest Americans today own almost 85% of everything leaving just 15% of the remaining wealth for the rest of us to share.

 

5.      Not only do American’s rack up more time on the clock than our competitor nations (almost 10 weeks per year more than Germany) this doesn’t include the time we work off the clock.  For example, half of us check emails on weekends and 46% of us even check work emails on days we are home sick.  

 

6.      Japan was hit twice as hard by the recession in terms of their drop in gross domestic product (GDP), yet our employment rate dropped more than twice their rate. Canada’s decline in GDP and employment initially mirrored our own (not quite as bad) but today their employment rate is higher than it was before the recession while we are worse off than all our competitor nations.  Mean while, many American corporations are reporting record high profits. 

 

7.      The declining trend in union membership in America is in lock step with the decline of the middle class.   The poor have faired even worse.  Union workers today make about $10,000 more per year than non-union workers, yet the working public would rather trash unions than join one.  The tensions between private sector employees and public sector workers is largely the result of envy by private sector workers who lost higher wages and many of their benefits when they lost their union.  

 

How do you think we are doing as Americans?  Most Labor Day articles remind us of the social battles and sacrifices prior generations have faced to bring a little dignity into our lives. We are doomed to repeat the mistakes of history if we don’t learn from them.  I hope this quiz highlights where America may be headed and prompts you to consider what it will take to save the middle class. This is the real purpose for celebrating Labor, especially on Labor Day.

 

Note:  First published in 2011, little has changed for the better since.

Wage History and The Case For a Living Wage

A conservative friend of mine was astonished to learn that a couple with two children in his town would need an income of  $52,000 per year to live there. “I’m a CPA and I’ve had partners who didn’t make $57,000 some years,” he said.

That sounds about right, yet we have come to the point where a living wage, defined as the minimum hourly income necessary for a worker to afford basic needs, is close to the U.S. median family income.  Nearly half of the USworkforce are unable to meet all of their families basic needs without some assistance from relatives or the government.

“Everyone” can’t be above average,” he protested.  “If we set the poverty line or living wage standards above the average American income, the government could NEVER provide [enough for the poor].”

First, living wage standards are not set by the government.  They are set by the market place where people spend their wages for the goods and services they need.  Living wages are calculated based on the cost of food, shelter, clothing, medical care, transportation and other necessities for living.  These essential requirements have a free market price tag that varies from place to place.  The poverty line, on the other hand, is an arbitrary federal government measure used to determine who may be eligible for government financial subsidy, among other uses.  It is a single value that does not take local economies into account.

Second, his response assumes that it is government’s role to subsidize America’s workforce.  To the contrary, it is, and ought to be, the responsibility of employers and business owners to maintain strong communities and a stable, well compensated workforce.  When families can no longer afford to meet their basic needs in a given location they either migrate to places where their prospects are better or they devolve to survive and the social order breaks down.  Either way, businesses suffer when this happens.  Ultimately, commerce and markets cannot exist without solid communities and a stable, healthy workforce.  When businesses shirk their responsibility to properly compensate employees, governments step in to help stabilize the workforce.  This amounts to a hidden business tax subsidy.

Local communities are the medium from which businesses are created and through which commerce thrives.  When most businesses were locally owned this truth was self-evident.  Local employers took prided in the standard of living they provided their employees.  Business owners were community minded and proud of the beneficial impact they had in their home towns. Conservative Republican values were once rooted in the welfare of local economies.

As businesses became more regional and less dependent on local economies, pressure from organized labor unions helped maintain a reasonable standard of living for the work force.  This helped to keep local economies strong, which was ultimately good for business.  With the rise of national and global corporations, however, the connection between corporate wellbeing and local community wellbeing has broken down.  Large corporations are able to exploit local economies and then move on to new locations when a local economy falters.  Large corporations have the power to control politicians, overcome unions and raise profits by lowering labor costs.  Because of a reduced reliance on local economies for their success, global companies enjoy an autonomy that didn’t exist before.  This has given rise to self-serving corporate cultures and free market philosophies centered around profits over people.  The expansion of the welfare state to bridge the growing gap between lowered wages and rising prices has helped ease the conscience of business owner and investors during the transition to this new corporate culture.

But the really big point missing here is that median wages have fallen too low in America.  The big story, from all which public discourse on the economy seems designed to distract us, is that  American workers need a raise.  Incomes have declined substantially relative to the costs of basic good and services.  This decline in American wages is neither accidental, no inevitable.  The flattening of American wages was done by design at a specific time in our history.  The  graph below shows that the decline in wages corresponds with the decoupling of worker compensation from the rise of hourly productivity.  [see also http://bit.ly/IKDFup%5D

Based on this graph it is obvious that the rise in hourly compensation dramatically diverged from the rise in productivity per hour in the late 1970’s and early 1980’s.  Hourly compensation has barely risen since then.  This decoupling of wages from productivity coincides with the establishment of industry trade organizations, the creation of extensive business lobbies and a nearly inverse decline in the membership and influence of labor unions. It shifted compensation for growing productivity to top corporate management and wealthy investors. This shift, coupled with dramatic income tax cuts for the rich in 1980 and 1985 are the root cause of the large income inequality today.

While productivity rates increased 250% since World War II, hourly compensation only increased by 130% nearly all of which occurred before 1977. (The tiny increase around 2007 may reflect the increase in the federal minimum wage that year.)  If wages had kept pace with worker productivity since 1977 the median income in America today would be more like $100,000 per year.  Extra consumer spending capacity would put upward pressure on prices if that happened, but the relationship between discretionary income and consumer prices is neither linier or direct. In other words, the price of goods and services might be higher, but not in proportion to the increased income.

As mentioned earlier, when families can no longer afford to meet their basic needs in a given location they often move to places where the economy is better. This weakens the local economy when they move out because there are fewer people supporting local commerce. It may weaken the local economies into which they relocate by flooding the labor pool (which drives down wages), increasing housing costs and burdening local social services.   Making sure working families can meet their basic needs is not just the right thing to do, a stable labor pool is critical to local economies.  That’s why government programs to financially supplement the labor pool, especially during economic downturns, are so essential.  When businesses fail to pay employees enough that they are financially self-sufficient, government programs step in to help with housing costs, food stamps, medical costs, etc.

For the past 40 years wage growth has be nearly flat.  Consider the impact this has on government spending and government revenues.  Each year the cost of food, housing and other basic necessities rises.  This means that living wage rates rise faster than our actual earnings.  When worker compensation remains flat, income tax revenue remains flat as well.  At the same time the number of families in need of government financial assistance grows.

Think how much more federal revenue there would be if the median family income today was $100,000 per year instead if nearly half that amount.  Imagine how much less the government would have to spend shoring up low wage workers. If wages had continued to rise on par with productivity over the past 40 years our median income would far exceed current living wage levels.

The case for a living wage has been around for a long time.  In 1891 Pope Leo XIII first described a living wage in terms that could be generalized and applied in nations throughout the world. He said, “Wealthy owners of the means of production and employers must never forget that both divine and human law forbid them to squeeze the poor and wretched for the sake of gain or to profit from the helplessness of others.”

Even Adam Smith was a supporter of living wages.  He viewed them as a way to achieve economic growth and equity.  In his Wealth of Nations , Smith recognized that the rising real wages lead to the “improvement in the circumstances of the lower ranks of people” was an advantage to society.  According to Smith, the government should align the interests of those pursuing profits with the interests of the labor force in order to grow the nation’s economy. Smith argued that high wages lead to higher productivity and overall growth.  In this way he linked higher wages with increased productivity.  For much of our history, this alignment has been evident.

Below is a graph prepared by the Secretary of Public Welfare for the State of Pennsylvania.  It was designed to show how government financial aid is uneven along the earned income continuum producing illogical “welfare cliffs”. However, the graph also reveals the great extent to which working families need government assistance to bridge the gap between what they make and what they need.  The entire area to the left of earned income represents the gap between living wage compensation and what families actually earn.

Some examples here might be useful.  First, consider a case where a Pennsylvania company hires a single mom and pays her the federal minimum wage, $7.25 per hour.  Working 40 hours per week, 52 weeks per year, she would gross approximate $15,000 per year.  Subtract income taxes and payroll taxes and she would clear about $13,000 per year. Using the Welfare Benefits and Wages graph above we see she would require an additional $42,000 per year in government subsidy to meet her families basic needs.

The only reason her employer can pay her minimum wage and count on her coming to work every day is because so much tax money is spent to supplement her wages. If there were no aid to the working poor her employer  would have little choice but to pay this woman a living wage.  In this sense, all government aid to the working poor is really a hidden tax break for businesses.

For another example, consider a family of four living in Harrisburg, PA, making a living wage.  Using the Living Wage Calculator  we find that the living wage in Harrisburg is approximately $51,000 per year.  This corresponds to about $24 per hours (more than 3 times the minimum wage).   Subtract payroll and income taxes from the living wage and this family’s  net income is around $38,000 per year.  Using the PA Welfare Benefits and Wages graph above it appears that this family might still need some assistance paying for child care if both parents worked, and possibly for health care as well. However, if increases in hourly compensation had kept pace with hourly productivity over the last forty years this same family would be earning more than $100,000 per year. They would be contributing to state and federal revenue rather than being a drain on tax revenue.

If wages had doubled since 1977 (productivity rose 1.5 times) median family wages would  be closer to $48 per hour and as many as 50 million American’s who now receive subsidy would instead be contributing to federal revenues.  It is about time we began pressing the case for passing a living wage law.

Below you will find a living wage calculator.  Developed by Dr. Amy K. Glasmeier and Pennsylvania State University, the calculator estimates the hourly wages a person needs to meet their basic human needs.  The calculator estimates living wages for each state or county, and many municipalities, in the United States.  Check out what a living wage looks like near you.

Introduction to the Living Wage Calculator
http://www.livingwage.geog.psu.edu/

In many American communities, families working in low-wage jobs make insufficient income to live locally given the local cost of living. Recently, in a number of high-cost communities, community organizers and citizens have successfully argued that the prevailing wage offered by the public sector and key businesses should reflect a wage rate required to meet minimum standards of living. Therefore we have developed a living wage calculator to estimate the cost of living in your community or region. The calculator lists typical expenses, the living wage and typical wages for the selected location.