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People Falsely Convicted Spend Years In Jail Before Exonerations, And They Are the Luck Ones.

The following is an abridged summary of a report on criminal exonerations in the United States.  This summary is my attempt to provide quick overview of the findings in the report.  I encourage everyone to download the report and read it in detail.  You cannot get the full impact of this work from this abridged version.
Exonerations in the United States, 1989 – 2012
Report by the National Registry of Exonerations
May, 2012
This is the first Report from the National Registry of Exonerations, a joint project of the University of Michigan Law School and the Center on Wrongful Convictions at Northwestern University School of Law.  The Registry can be found at exonerationregistry.org. It includes detailed information on the 873 individual exonerations in the United States from January, 1989, through the end of February, 2012.
 “Exoneration,” as we use the term, is a legal concept. It means that a defendant who was
convicted of a crime was later relieved of all legal consequences of that conviction through a decision by a prosecutor, a governor or a court, after new evidence of his or her innocence was discovered. As you will see in this report, the number of exonerations in the United States is not a good measure of how often our justice system produces false convictions.  The full report also contains wrenching examples of truly innocent people falsely caught up in the system.
EXONERATIONS FOR FALSE CONVICTIONS
  • The procedure for convicting a defendant of a crime is set by law: unless the defendant pleads guilty, he must be convicted at a trial before a judge or a jury by proof beyond a reasonable doubt.
  • There is no set legal procedure for deciding that a convicted defendant is innocent when subsequent proof of innocent surfaces.
  • Persons convicted of a crime can appeal but
    • Appeals are mostly based on some misapplication of law at trial
    • New evidence cannot be presented to win a chance to appeal
    • Accuracy of the trial court’s judgment is not reviewed
    • Winning an appeal triggers a new trial, not an exoneration
  • Most exonerated defendants have their convictions vacated by courts at some point, but that almost always occurs in some form of “collateral review” or “extraordinary relief” proceeding after the process of ordinary appellate review has run its course, which can take years.
WHO’S EXONERATED, AND BY WHAT PROCEDURE
All told, we know of 873 individual exonerations from January 1989 through February 2012. For these exonerees:
·          93% were men (816/873) and 7% were women (57/873).10
  • We know the race of the defendants in 92% of the cases (802/873):
    • 50% were black (399/802),
    • 38% were white (303/802),
    • 11% were Hispanic (86/802), and
    • 2% were Native American or Asian (14/802).
  • 8% pled guilty (71/873) and the rest were convicted at trial – 87% by juries and 8% by judges.
  • 37% were cleared at least in part with the help of DNA evidence (325/873).
  • 63% were cleared without DNA evidence (548/873).
  • Almost all had been in prison for years; half for at least 10 years; more than 75% for at least 5 years.
  • As a group, the defendants had spent more than 10,000 years in prison for crimes for which they should not have been convicted – an average of more than 11 years each
As a procedural matter, these exonerations occurred in several ways; in some cases, in more than one way:
113 Pardons: Governors issued pardons based on evidence of the defendants’ innocence.  In 41 cases of defendants whose charges had previously been dismissed, and three who had been acquitted on retrial by a jury or a judge.
673 Dismissals: Criminal charges were dismissed by courts, generally on
motion by the prosecution, after new evidence of innocence emerged.
76 Acquittals: Defendants were acquitted on retrial on the basis of newly
presented evidence that they were not guilty.
11 Certificates of Innocence: In a small number of cases courts have issued “certificates of innocence,” “declarations of wrongful imprisonment,” or similar judgments of innocence.
10 Posthumous Exonerations: Ten defendants received posthumous exonerations; two of them also received a judicial declaration of innocence.
EXONERATIONS BY CRIME
The 2003 Report divided the exonerations it listed into four crime categories: Murder
(including a few manslaughter convictions), Rape (including other sexual assaults), Other
Crimes of Violence, and Drug and Property Crimes.30 In Table 1 we compare the cases in the 2003 Report and those in the National Registry, using those classifications.
Exonerations by Category of Crime
CRIME
1989 – 2003 REPORT
1989 – 2012 REPORT
Murder (including manslaughter)
60% (205)
48% (416)
Rape (and other sexual assaults)
36% (121)
35% (305)
Adult Victims
30% (103)
23% (203)
Minor Victims
5% (18)
12% (102)
Other Crimes of Violence
3% (11)
11% (94)
Drug and Property Crimes
1% (3)
7% (58)
TOTAL
100% (340)
100% (873)
TIME TO EXONERATION
The overall average is 11.9 years from conviction to exoneration, 13.0 years from arrest. The range varies greatly. Exoneration generally takes long when the crime is more serious.
Time to Exoneration: All Crimes (Five-Year Moving Average)
RACE OF EXONEREES
Black defendants are heavily overrepresented among exonerees: they are heavily overrepresented among those arrested and imprisoned for violent crimes and drug crimes. But the disproportions we see are greater than what one would expect. In 2000, for example, 46% of state and federal prisoners were black; in 2008, that  proportion was 38%.42Using either bench mark, black exonerees, at 50%, are somewhat overrepresented among all exonerees – but this disparity is unevenly distributed. In 2008, 43% of homicide prisoners were black,43 only slightly fewer than the 49% of homicide exonerees who were black. For robbery, the difference is greater: 52% of prisoners and 64% of exonerees were black; for drug crimes, 45% of prisoners and 60% of exonerees were black (but the number of cases is small). Finally, for sexual assault, the difference is huge: 25% of prisoners, but 63% of exonerees were black.
EXONERATIONS BY STATE
The 873 exonerations in the Registry come from 43 states, the District of Columbia, the
Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, 19 federal districts, and the military. They are very unevenly distributed by state, and especially when broke down by county. This suggests we are missing many cases – both innocent defendants from jurisdictions where exonerations are vanishingly rare, and exonerated defendants whose cases have received little or no public attention.  Two-thirds of all exonerations occur in just 10 states. In the most recent report, Excluding Federal cases, the top 10 states account for 64% of all exonerations. They are:
1. Illinois 101
2. New York 88
3. Texas 84
4. California 79
5. Michigan 35
6. Louisiana 34
7  Florida 32
8. Ohio 28
9. Massachusetts 27
10. Pennsylvania 27
SOME CAUSES OF FALSE CONVICTIONS
There is a well-known list of factors that are associated with exonerations: eyewitness
misidentification, false confession, perjury, false or misleading forensic evidence, official
misconduct.  More than one factor may be present in a false conviction.  For all exonerations, the most common causal factors are perjury or false accusation (51%), mistaken eyewitness identification (43%), and official misconduct (42%).  For 104 exonerations, our information includes clear evidence of severely inadequate legal defense, but we believe that many more of the exonerated defendants – perhaps a clear majority – would not have been convicted in the first instance if their lawyers had done good work.
CONCLUSIONS (UNABRIDGED)
The most important thing we know about false convictions is that they happen and on a regular basis. We don’t know how often they occur or what types of cases are most common. Most false convictions never see the light of day. We know only about the rare ones that are discovered and corrected (at least in part) by exoneration – and we miss many cases in which innocent defendants are exonerated, probably most. We do know that the more we look, the more exonerations we find, and the more varied they are.
The most important goal of the criminal justice system is accuracy: to identify and condemn the guilty, and to clear the innocent. The most effective way to do so is by careful, honest and open minded work before conviction, in the investigation and prosecution of criminal charges.
The next most important task is to remain open minded after conviction about the possibility of error. The overwhelming majority of convicted defendants are guilty. Most never dispute their guilt and few ever present substantial post-conviction evidence of innocence. When that does happen, however, it should be taken seriously. We know of many exonerated defendants who were imprisoned for years, even decades after they presented strong evidence of their innocence.  We cannot prevent all false convictions, but we must not compound these tragedies by stubbornness or arrogance or, worst of all, indifference.
The National Registry of Exonerations is the largest database of its kind ever assembled. We have already learned a great deal from it. In particular, it is now clear that false convictions are not one sort of problem but several, and that the solutions that might prevent them vary drastically from one context to another: For homicides, the biggest problem is perjury and false accusation, most often by supposed eyewitnesses, with official misconduct a close second. False convictions in adult rape cases, on the other hand, are primarily based on eyewitness mistakes – more often than not, mistakes by white victims falsely identifying black defendants. Most false convictions in child sex abuse cases, by contrast, are for fabricated crimes that never occurred.  And so forth.
We will learn more as the Registry matures and we gather data about a larger number of
exonerations across a wider range of settings. The more we learn about false convictions the better able we will be to prevent them, or failing that, to identify and correct them after the fact.

The Death Penalty in Alabama: Judge Override

Equal Justice initiative
122 Commerce Street
MontgomeryAlabama 36104
334.269.1803
July 2011

 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND MAJOR FINDINGS

No capital sentencing procedure in the united States has come under more criticism as unreliable, unpredictable, and arbitrary than the unique Alabama practice of  permitting elected trial judges to override jury verdicts of life and impose death sentences.

  • Of the 34 states with the death penalty, Alabama is the only jurisdiction where judges routinely override jury verdicts of life to impose capital punishment.
  • Since 1976, Alabama judges have overridden jury verdicts 107 times. Although judges have authority to override life or death verdicts, in 92% of overrides elected judges have overruled jury verdicts of life to impose the death penalty.
  • Twenty-one percent of the 199 people currently on Alabama’s death row were sentenced to death through judicial override.
  • Judge override is the primary reason why Alabama has the highest per capita death sentencing rate and execution rate in the country. Last year, with a state population of 4.5 million people, Alabama imposed more new death sentences than Texas, with a population of 24 million.
  • Override is legal in only three states: Alabama, Delaware, and Florida. However, Florida and Delaware have strict standards for override. No one in Delaware is on death row as a result of an override and no death sentences have been imposed by override in Florida since 1999. In Delaware and Florida, override often is used to overrule jury death verdicts and impose life – which rarely happens in Alabama.
  • Alabama’s trial and appellate court judges are elected. Because judicial candidates frequently campaign on their support and enthusiasm for capital punishment, political pressure injects unfairness and arbitrariness into override decisions.
  • Override rates fluctuate wildly from year to year. The proportion of death sentences imposed by override often is elevated in election years. In 2008, 30% of new death sentences were imposed by judge override, compared to 7% in 1997, a non-election year. In some years, half of all death sentences imposed in Alabama have been the result of override.
  • There is evidence that elected judges override jury life verdicts in cases involving white victims much more frequently than in cases involving victims who are black. Seventy-five percent of all death sentences imposed by override involve white victims, even though less than 35% of all homicide victims in Alabama are white.
  • Some sentencing orders in cases where judges have overridden jury verdicts make reference to the race of the offender and reveal illegal bias and race-consciousness. in one case, the judge explained that he previously had sentenced three black defendants to death so he decided to override the jury’s life verdict for a white defendant to balance out his sentencing record.
  • Some judges in Montgomery and Mobile Counties persistently reject jury life verdicts to impose death. Two Mobile County judges, Braxton Kitrell and Ferrill McRae, have overruled 11 life verdicts to impose death. Former Montgomery County Judge Randall Homas overrode five jury life verdicts to impose the death penalty.
  • There are considerably fewer obstacles to obtaining a jury verdict of death in Alabama because, unlike in most states with the death penalty, prosecutors in Alabama are not required to obtain a unanimous jury verdict; they can obtain a death verdict with only ten juror votes for death. Capital juries in Alabama already are very heavily skewed in favor of the death penalty because potential jurors who oppose capital punishment are excluded from jury service.

Evidence That Juvenile Jails Don’t Work

What follows  is important information needed to understand our juvenile justice system and how it is failing us in many ways.  The evidence suggests that jailing juveniles doesn’t rehabilitate and appears to cause more harm than good.  This was originally posted earlier this year, but in light of renewed discussions on how to curb violence in America, a review of our Juvenile Justice system is appropriate.

No Place for Kids: The Case for Reducing Juvenile Incarceration

The Annie E. Casey Foundation’s new report, No Place for Kids: The Case for Reducing Juvenile Incarceration assembles a vast array of evidence to demonstrate that incarcerating kids doesn’t work: Youth prisons do not reduce future offending, they waste taxpayer dollars, and they frequently expose youth to dangerous and abusive conditions. The report also shows that many states have substantially reduced their juvenile correctional facility populations in recent years, and it finds that these states have seen no resulting increase in juvenile crime or violence. Finally, the report highlights successful reform efforts from several states and provides recommendations for how states can reduce juvenile incarceration rates and redesign their juvenile correction systems to better serve young people and the public.

 

State-level data:

 

Download the Map of Recurring Maltreatment in Juvenile Correctional Facilities in the U.S. (2.17 KB)

Gun Homicide Rate 22 Times Higher Than Other Advanced Nations

The following was just published in October.  Given the events of yesterday it is worth going back to read this again.  Clearly we need to reconsider some sensible changes to our gun laws to keep them out of the hands of people who are emotionally unstable, domestic abusers and criminals.  We should also have a national law against gun trafficking (crazy that we don’t).

From: John Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health

October 25, 2012

Restricting High-Risk Individuals from Owning Guns Saves Lives

On July 20, a gunman in Aurora, Colorado, used an assault rifle to murder 12 people and wound 58 others. Although this was one of the worst mass shootings in U.S. history, all mass shootings account for a small percentage of gun violence that occurs in the U.S. every day. In the past 100 days since the Aurora shooting, an estimated 3,035 Americans have died as a result of gun violence.

new report by researchers at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health examines policies and initiatives for reducing gun violence in the U.S. by reforming current gun policies. The report, a synthesis of prior research and analysis conducted by researchers with the Johns Hopkins Center for Gun Policy and Research, includes the following key findings:

  • Easy access to firearms with large-capacity magazines facilitates higher casualties in mass shootings.
  • “Right-to-carry” gun laws do not reduce violent crime.
  • Prohibiting high-risk groups from having guns–criminals, perpetrators of domestic violence, youths under age 21, substance abusers, and those with severe mental illnesses–and closing loopholes that enable them to have guns are integral and politically feasible steps to reduce gun violence. 

Please go to the new report (above) or the full News Release.

Map Pinpoints Where Children Are Being Sexually Abused. Why Aren’t We INVESTIGATING?

The trial and conviction of former Penn State football coach, Jerry Sandusky,  for child sexual abuse allowed many people to hear  for the first time the graph details that makes these crimes so repulsive.   Civil hearings on child sexual abuse cases usually take place in closed courtrooms for the protection of these young victims.  In this case, however, the victims are now adults, the trial was public and very high profile.  People paid attention and learned just how violent these child rapes are.   This made it  easy to see just how destructive these betrayals of a child’s trust are and why it scars children for life.

This may be a good point to consider the scope of the child sexual abuse problem.   Perhaps the information presented below will have greater resonance than when first posted a number of months ago.  Each red dot on the map below is a Sandusky type horror story for some innocent child in America.   So what are we going to do about it???

The map below shows the locations of hundreds of thousands of criminals trafficking in child abuse images… and the locations of many of their U.S. child victims. Produced by the Wyoming Attorney General’s Office, and based on investigations by Internet Crimes Against Children (ICAC) law enforcement task forces, it was introduced as evidence in U.S. House and Senate hearings in 2007-2008. The red dots represent unique computers seen by the ICACs trafficking in video and photos of very young children being raped. These images are often called “child pornography,” but they are actually crime scene recordings.

Map

Most of these children wait for a rescue that will never come. They are in extreme danger and law enforcement knows where they are. Investigators go home every night knowing there are thousands of children out there beyond their reach, because they have not been given the resources they need to rescue them.

See The Ed Show Segment on this issue
Watch a Video Plea From Children
Go to Protect for More Detailed Information
Take Action
View my post on Child Fatality Risk Factors (Because child sexual abuse is not the only problem our children face every day)

The Real Lesson of the “Fast and Furious” Scandal

Thanks to the great reporting of Katherine Eban at Fortune magazine we now know that the “Fast and Furious” scandal was largely manufactured for political gain.  The “Fast and Furious” operation by the bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (the ATF) in Arizona was never designed to include the tactic of “gun walking”.  Gun walking is the practice of intentionally not ceasing illegally purchased firearms in order to follow the subsequent chain of possession back to higher level criminals.  It seems a few rogue ATF agents did engaged in an incident of this type on their own initiative, which does make it the AFT’s problem,  but the specific guns the ATF is accused of allowing to walk across the border, one of which was used to kill a border guard named Brian Terry, could not be ceased by the ATF because the Arizona federal Prosecutors decided these weapons were legally purchased. Federal prosecutors in Arizona were broadly interpreting Arizona’s gun laws which are among the weakest gun laws in the nation.

Ideological arguments over the Fast and Furious scandal aside, the real lesson in Eban’s piece is how our love affair with guns and our Second Amendment rights is reeking havoc in neighboring Mexico.  Every day an estimated 2,000 guns are purchased here that end up crossing the boarder into Mexico to arm the drug cartels.  Here is some background on the problems in Mexico:
 In Mexico, the “war on drugs” is quite literally a war
VALLECILLO, Mexico | Wed May 23, 2012 10:11am EDT
(Reuters) – Mexican government forces had bottled up a band of enemy fighters in this tiny village late last year, but feared they would escape into the dusty, rock-strewn hills. So more than 600 soldiers and federal police closed in from all directions with armored Humvees and helicopters.
The outlaws responded with a barrage of rocket-propelled grenades and AK-47 assault-rifle fire, tearing apart one federal police vehicle. For three days the fighting raged. In the end, according to military accounts of the battle, 22 members of the Zetas drug cartel, two police officers and a soldier were dead, and 20 Zetas were in custody. Dozens more escaped to fight another day. [SNIP]
Mexican and U.S. agents say the Zetas’ paramilitary tactics — based on small, roaming cells of armed operatives — and indiscriminate violence are the driving forces behind a recent escalation in Mexico’s drug war. That conflict, between government forces and the cartels and among the cartels themselves, has claimed about 55,000 lives in the past five years, including more than 3,000 police officers and soldiers.
  
THE RIVER OF IRON: Gun Trafficking Into Mexico
Mexican government officials estimate that some 2,000 weapons purchased in the U.S. are smuggled into Mexico every day.  Guns flow into the hands of the powerful drug cartels of Mexico while cocaine and other drugs flow back across the border to ravage yet another generation of vulnerable young Americans. These well armed cartels operate like insurgency groups effectively challenging the Mexican governments power to enforce law and order.  The cartels are terrorizing and slaughtering the country’s law abiding citizens.  The corrupting influence of guns, drugs and money threatens to destabilize the whole country.
While gun sales are legal and gun ownership is constitutionally protected in the United States, gun sales are prohibited in Mexico.  This makes the problem at the U.S., Mexican border particularly acute.  Furthermore, organizations such as the NRA aggressively oppose any attempt to regulate gun sales in the U.S.  This may suggest why there are currently no federal statutes outlawing firearms trafficking.  It is left to the states to pass such laws.
The U.S. Southern border states have an especially “pro-gun” outlook.  The Phoenix area alone has 853 federally licensed firearms dealers.  Any customers 18 years old or older who can pass a criminal background check may legally buy as many weapons as they like.  There is no waiting periods and no gun permit is required.  Some dealers offer discounts for multiple gun purchases, while others voluntarily restrict customers to one weapon per day.  While gun buyers must certify in writing, in Arizona, that the guns they buy are for personal use, they may change their mind and resell their guns at any time, even in the parking lot of the gun store.  Arizona laws against gun trafficking carry relatively mild sentences and are hard to prosecute.  Because of the weak laws and strong pro-gun attitudes in Arizona, federal prosecutors are reluctant to prosecute those accursed of buying guns on behalf of criminals, and federal prosecutors in Arizona don’t consider huge gun purchases or there quick to a third party to be specific evidence of criminal intent.  This makes the interdiction of illegal gun sales to the Mexican cartels almost impossible in Arizona.  There is no federal gun trafficking law to guid or prod the state laws prohibiting the sale of guns to criminals.

 The truth about the Fast and Furious scandal

June 27, 2012: 5:00 AM ET

The article begins:

FORTUNE — In the annals of impossible assignments, Dave Voth’s ranked high. In 2009 the federal Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives promoted Voth to lead Phoenix Group VII, one of seven new ATF groups along the Southwest border tasked with stopping guns from being trafficked into Mexico’s vicious drug war.

PLEASE READ IT:  http://features.blogs.fortune.cnn.com/2012/06/27/fast-and-furious-truth/

Arizona’s “Papers Please” Supreme Court Ruling – An Abridged Syllabus

The Supreme Court struck down some but not all parts of SB1070, Arizona’s controversial immigration law. What follows is an abridged syllabus to help make the ruling more readable.  It is re-posted here as a reference site for the day that these issues resurface during the anticipated immigration debate to come. You can read the unabridged opinion here.

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES 
Syllabus [Abridged]
ARIZONA ET AL. v. UNITED STATES 
CERTIORARI TO THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR 
THE NINTH CIRCUIT 
No. 11–182. Argued April 25, 2012—Decided June 25, 2012

An Arizona statute known as S. B. 1070 was enacted in 2010 to address pressing issues related to the large number of unlawful aliens in the State. The United States sought to enjoin the law as preempted.  The District Court issued a preliminary injunction preventing four of its provisions from taking effect.

  • Section 3 makes failure to comply with federal alien-registration requirements a state misdemeanor;
  • Section 5(C) makes it a misdemeanor for an unauthorized alien to seek or engage in work in the State;
  • Section 6 authorizes state and local officers to arrest without a warrant a person “the officer has probable cause to believe . . . has committed any public offense that makes the person removable from the United States”; and
  • Section 2(B) requires officers conducting a stop, detention, or arrest to make efforts, in some circumstances, to verify the person’s immigration status with the Federal Government.

The Ninth Circuit affirmed, agreeing that the United States had established a likelihood of success on its preemption claims.

Held:

1.  The Federal Government’s broad, undoubted power over immigration and alien status rests, in part, on its constitutional power to “establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization,” and on its inherent sovereign power to control and conduct foreign relations,  Federal governance is extensive and complex. 
Among other things,

  • federal law specifies categories of aliens who are ineligible to be  admitted to the United States,
  • requires aliens to register with the Federal Government and to carry proof of status,
  •  imposes sanctions on employers who hire unauthorized workers, and
  • specifies which aliens may be removed and the procedures for doing so, removal is a civil matter, and one of its principal features

2  ARIZONA v. UNITED STATES is the broad discretion exercised by immigration officials, who must decide whether to pursue removal at all.  Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), an agency within the Department of Homeland Security, is responsible for identifying, apprehending, and removing illegal aliens.  It also operates the Law Enforcement Support Center, which provides immigration status information to federal, state, and local officials around the clock.

3.  The Supremacy Clause gives Congress the power to preempt state law. 
A statute may contain an express preemption provision, but state law must also give way to federal law in at least two other circumstances.  First, States are precluded from regulating conduct in a field that Congress has determined must be regulated by its exclusive governance.  Intent can be inferred from a framework of regulation “so pervasive . . . that Congress left no room for the States to supplement it” or where a “federal interest is so dominant that the federal system will be assumed to preclude enforcement of state laws on the same subject.”  Second, state laws are preempted when they conflict with federal law, including when they stand “as an obstacle to the accomplishment and execution of the full purposes and objectives of Congress.”  (a) Section 3 intrudes on the field of alien registration, a field in which Congress has left no room for States to regulate.  In Hines, a state alien-registration program was struck down on the ground that Congress intended its “complete” federal registration plan to be a “single integrated and all-embracing system.”   That scheme did not allow the States to “curtail or complement” federal law or “enforce additional  or auxiliary regulations.”   The federal registration framework remains comprehensive.  Because Congress has occupied the field, even complementary state regulation is impermissible.

Pp. 8–11. (b) Section 5(C)’s criminal penalty stands as an obstacle to the federal regulatory system.

The Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 (IRCA), a comprehensive framework for “combating the employment of illegal aliens,”  makes it illegal for employers to knowingly hire, recruit, refer, or continue to employ unauthorized workers, and requires employers to verify prospective employees’ employment authorization status.  It imposes criminal and civil penalties on employers, but only civil penalties on aliens who seek, or engage in, unauthorized employment.

IRCA’s express preemption provision, though silent about whether additional penalties may be imposed against employees, “does not bar the ordinary working of conflict pre-emption principles” or impose a “special burden” making it more difficult to establish the preemption of laws falling outside the clause.  The correct instruction to draw from the text, structure, and history of IRCA is that Congress decided it would be inappropriate to impose criminal penalties on unauthorized employees.  [emphasis mine] It follows that a state law to the contrary is an obstacle to the regulatory system Congress chose.
(c) By authorizing state and local officers to make warrantless arrests of certain aliens suspected of being removable, Section 6 also creates an obstacle to federal law.  As a general rule, it is not a crime for a removable alien to remain in the United States. [emphasis mine]

The federal scheme instructs when it is appropriate to arrest an alien during the removal
process. The Attorney General in some circumstances will issue a warrant for trained federal immigration officers to execute.  If no federal warrant has been issued, these officers have more limited authority.    They  may  arrest  an  alien  for being “in the United States in violation of any [immigration] law or regulation,” for example, but only where the alien “is likely to escape before a warrant can be obtained.”  Section 6 attempts to provide state officers with even greater arrest authority, which they could exercise with no instruction from the Federal Government.  This is not the system Congress created.  Federal law specifies limited circumstances in which state officers may perform an immigration officer’s functions. This includes instances where the Attorney General has granted that authority in a formal agreement with a state or local government.

Although federal law permits state officers to “cooperate with the Attorney General in the identification, apprehension, detention, or removal of aliens not lawfully present in the United States, this does not encompass the unilateral decision to detain authorized by Section 6.

4. It was improper to enjoin Section 2(B) before the state courts had an
opportunity to construe it and without some showing that Section 2(B)’s enforcement in fact conflicts with federal immigration law and its objectives. 
(a) The state provision has three limitations:

  • A detainee is presumed not to be an illegal alien if he or she provides a valid Arizona driver’s license or similar identification;
  • officers may not consider race, color, or national origin “except to the extent permitted by the United States [and] Arizona Constitution[s]”; and
  • Section 2(B) must be “implemented in a manner consistent with federal law regulating immigration, protecting the civil rights of all persons and respecting the privileges and immunities of United States citizens.”

(b) This Court finds unpersuasive the argument that, even with those limits, Section  2(B) must be held preempted at this stage.

  1. The mandatory nature of the status checks does not interfere with the federal immigration scheme.  Consultation between federal and state officials is an important feature of the immigration system.  In fact, Congress has encouraged the sharing of information about possible immigration violations.  The federal scheme thus leaves room for a policy requiring state officials to contact ICE as a routine matter.
  2. It is not clear at this stage and on this record that Section 2(B), in practice, will require state officers to delay the release of detainees for no reason other than to verify their immigration status.  This would raise constitutional concerns.  And it would disrupt the federal framework to put state officers in the position of holding aliens in custody for possible unlawful presence without federal direction and supervision.  But Section §2(B) could be read to avoid these concerns.  If the law only requires state officers to conduct a status check during the course of an authorized, lawful detention or after a detainee has been released, the provision would likely survive preemption—at least absent some showing that it has other consequences that are adverse to federal law and its objectives.  Without the benefit of a definitive interpretation from the state courts, it would be inappropriate to assume  Section 2(B) will be construed in a way that conflicts with federal law.

This opinion does not foreclose other preemption and constitutional challenges to the law as interpreted and applied after it goes into effect.  Pp. 22–24. 641 F. 3d 339, affirmed in part, reversed in part, and remanded.

KENNEDY, J., delivered the opinion of the Court, in which ROBERTS,
C. J., and GINSBURG, BREYER, and SOTOMAYOR, JJ., joined.  SCALIA, J.,
THOMAS, J., and ALITO, J., filed opinions concurring in part and dissenting in part. KAGAN, J., took no part in the consideration or decision of
the case.

Counterfeit Ketchup! How Wide Spread Domestic Product Counterfeiting?

DATA DRIVEN VIEWPOINT: I am posting this story because I have never heard of food product counterfeiting before and wondered if other people in other parts of the country have heard of similar instances of this sort of deception. Most stories about counterfeit foods involve food imports.  This is a case where a brand name product is purchased and repackaged here in the US.   It raises lots of question about how something like this can happen, where a product is purchased in such bulk quantities for repackaging in an obviously disreputably operation without the knowledge of the brand name manufacturer.  Note also that there was no local law enforcement investigation.  If anyone knows of any similar situations please contact me in the comment section below.  Thank you.

Counterfeit ketchup caper: Exploding bottles leave major mess in Dover

By Dan Goldberg/The Star-Ledger 
on October 18, 2012 at 7:22 AM, updated October 18, 2012 at 4:38 PM
ketchup.JPGThousands of bottles of ketchup were found in this New Jersey warehouse. Heinz believes these are the fruits of a fraudulent repackaging scheme.Dover Police

DOVER — It looks like a grisly murder scene. Red splotches pooling on a warehouse floor. A rotten smell. Insects swarming. Crates knocked to the ground.

But no one died here.
This wasn’t carnage. This was condiment.

Inside a privately owned Dover warehouse are the remnants of an abandoned Heinz Tomato Ketchup counterfeiting scheme.  The ketchup appears to be real but the labels on the plastic bottles are a fraud, according to a Heinz spokesman.

Company officials, who visited Dover last week, believe someone purchased traditional Heinz Ketchup and transferred it from large bladders into individual bottles labeled “Simply Heinz,” a premium variety made with sugar instead of high fructose corn sweetener.

The 7,000 square feet of space on Richboynton Avenue in Dover had hundreds of crates holding thousands of bottles of ketchup.  Of course, without any quality control, it is impossible to know what, if anything, else was put in those bottles.

Heinz does not believe the scheme got too far.

“The site of this operation was abandoned and had produced only a small quantity of bottles, much of which was still on site,” said Michael Mullen, vice president of corporate & government affairs in an e-mail.

The thing is, you can’t just walk away from something like this. Tomatoes and vinegar, both acidic, combined with sugars, which ferment when left unattended in the heat, build up pressure inside the bottle and then … explode.

ketchup2.JPGThousands of bottles of ketchup were found in a Dover warehouse. Heinz believes these are the fruits of a fraudulent repackaging scheme.Dover Police

That leads to a pretty big mess and a feast for flies, which is what caught the attention of other tenants who rent space in the warehouse, Dover Public Safety Director Richard Rosell said.  If this all sounds a bit unusual, it is.

“These incidences are rare for Heinz,” Mullen said. “As the world’s leading manufacturer of ketchup, Heinz has stringent manufacturing and packaging practices in place to ensure the safety of consumers.”
Dover police are not yet involved. They are aware of the situation, Rosell said, but nothing has been reported stolen.

Heinz is working with the U.S. Food and Drug Administration’s Office of Criminal Investigation, Mullen said.

“As a company dedicated to food safety and quality, Heinz will not tolerate illegal repackaging of our products and we will prosecute to the fullest extent of the law anyone who engages in such illicit behavior,” Mullen said.

The space is leased by Wholesome Foods, LLC, which is registered to Joseph Carrera, according to state records. A man answering Carrera’s cell phone repeatedly hung up when he learned a reporter was on the on the line. Voice messages were not returned.

Rutgers University food science professor Don Schaffner said counterfeit food operations in the U.S. are rare, though scams have popped up with greater frequency internationally in recent years.

In 2008, a chemical used to make concrete, fertilizer and plastics called melamine sickened 300,000 children in China and killed at least six infants when it was used as filler in Chinese milk and formula products.

Schaffner said it’s impossible to know what health consequences the counterfeit ketchup could have caused without knowing what kind of filler might have been added, but said it’s unlikely someone making counterfeit food would follow even basic food safety regulations that govern food products in the U.S.
“If you’re opening ketchup containers and pouring ketchup into other bottles, God knows what you’re diluting it with,” Schaffner said. “Ketchup is thick, so it’s possible you would not use a food-grade ingredient to replicate that texture. I can’t begin to imagine how bad it could be.”

Star-Ledger staff writer Jessica Calefati contributed to this report.
This article has been changed to reflect the following correction: It was incorrectly reported that acids ferment, causing ketchup bottles to explode if left in the heat. Sugars ferment, not acids.



Counterfeit food becoming a bigger problem

BALTIMORE (WMAR) – You know to be suspicious of counterfeit purses and counterfeit cash, but counterfeit food?
It’s a growing threat.  When you fall victim to this crime, you could be putting your life in danger.
Finding food fakes is a constant battle for investigators across the world.  We found video shot by Interpol Police showing counterfeit products.  These candy bars, fish, cheeses and tomato sauce could end up here in the United States.
Food and Drug Administration Agents are also on the hunt for phony food products and ingredients.  They seize everything from counterfeit olive oil and wine.
Dr. John Spink, Associate Director of the Anti-Counterfeiting and Product Protection Program says, “We think we’re buying a high value or specific type of product and the bad guys have swapped it out with something that’s inferior.”The problem is so big that a new national database was recently created to try to track it.  The key word here is “try” because it’s hard to catch during production and shipping.

Once it makes it to market, consumers don’t realize they’ve been ripped off, unless they get sick.In a new study, Spink crunched the database numbers revealing the top counterfeited foods.

16% of counterfeited food cases involved olive oil.  In many cases, the oil was diluted.
14% involved milk found to be watered down.
7% percent was honey adulterated with sugar and corn syrups.
Not only are you not getting what you paid for, it could be downright dangerous!Spink says, “The bad guys aren’t following good manufacturing practices. There’s such a risk for contamination that can be very lethal.”

The most recent case involved vodka laced with methanol which left some college students in England with permanent vision damage.

Many legitimate companies are now hiring security firms to monitor their products.Tara Steketee of OPSEC security, says “We’ve unfortunately found counterfeits of pretty much any product that you can think of.”

Something that just popped up recently.  Garden-variety tomato being marketed as the more expensive heirloom ones.

Life Without Parole Sentences for Juveniles

While the US Supreme Court held in 2010 that youth offenders under age 18 convicted of non-homicide crimes could not be sentenced to life without the possibility of parole, about 2,600 youth offenders continue to serve such a sentence for homicide-related crimes. – Human Rights Watch, 2012   [Read it here http://bit.ly/AiMRCj  Excerpts Below.]

In one study of youth arrested for murder in 25 states where there was available data, African Americans were found to be sentenced to juvenile  life without parole at a rate that is 1.59 times higher than white youth. 

 The Asian American Legal Defense and Education Fund (AALDEF) has joined the NAACP Legal Defense Fund, LatinoJustice PRLDEF, the Charles Hamilton Houston Institute for Race and Justice, and Leadership Conference on Race and Human Rights in filing an amicus brief in opposing the imposition of life sentences without parole on juvenile offenders in the Miller v. Alabama andJackson v. Hobbs cases (Miller-Jackson) currently before the U.S. Supreme Court. [ Read it here: http://bit.ly/xPZlOO ]

The amicus brief contends that life without parole sentences for fourteen year-old offenders violate the Constitutional prohibition against cruel and unusual punishment, and the historic role of racial stereotyping in imposing these sentences on children further undermines their validity.

Historically, the imposition of life without parole sentences is rooted in stereotyping. For much of the 20th century, courts widely held that children were less culpable than adults and therefore not subject to such severe penalties. But in the 1980s and 90s, the media, academics, and politicians increasingly characterized teen crime in racially coded terms. For example, a 2000 study of news broadcasts in six major U.S. cities found that 62% of the stories involving Latino youth were about murder or attempted murder, even though data from 1998 indicated that minority youth accounted for only 25% of all juvenile crime arrests. This false conflation between race, youth, and criminal behavior — the infamous “Central Park Jogger” case being the most notorious example — led to harsh sentences for children previously only reserved for adults.

Consistent with its beginnings, the life without parole sentence continues to be imposed on children of color at disproportionate rates. According to a 2008 Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch report, African American youth nationwide serve life without parole sentences “at a rate that is ten times higher than white youth.” Thus, the continuing influence of race on the sentencing of youth to life without parole renders it unconstitutional. AALDEF contends that the Supreme Court should categorically exempt youth from this extreme and final sentence.

 

 

 

Nos. 10-9646 & 10-9647

IN THE

Supreme Court of the United States

EVAN MILLER, Petitioner,

v.

ALABAMA, Respondent.

KUNTRELL JACKSON, Petitioner,

v.

RAY HOBBS, Director,

Arkansas Department of Correction, Respondent.

On Writ of Certiorari to the

Alabama Court of Criminal Appeals

and the Supreme Court of Arkansas

BRIEF OF AMICI CURIAE

NAACP LEGAL DEFENSE & EDUCATIONAL FUND,

INC., CHARLES HAMILTON HOUSTON INSTITUTE

FOR RACE AND JUSTICE, LATINOJUSTICE

PRLDEF, ASIAN AMERICAN LEGAL DEFENSE AND

EDUCATION FUND AND LEADERSHIP

CONFERENCE ON CIVIL AND HUMAN RIGHTS

IN SUPPORT OF PETITIONERS

       

 

SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT

The question presented by these cases is whether the imposition of a life without parole sentence on a fourteen-year-old child convicted of a homicide offense violates the Eighth and Fourteenth Amendments’ prohibition against cruel and unusual punishments.  As detailed by the submissions of the Petitioners and their amici curiae, the answer is “yes.”  As this amicus brief  explains, the improper

influence of race impairs the culpability analyses of children subject to life without parole sentences, which is further evidence of the unconstitutionality of this sentencing practice.  Although a proper evaluation of culpability is fundamental under the Eighth and Fourteenth Amendments, history shows that racial stereotypes propelled the implementation of the laws that led to juvenile life without parole sentences, and research establishes that children of color are sentenced to life without parole at markedly disproportionate rates.  This Court

declared, in  Graham v. Florida, 560 U.S. ___, 130 S. Ct. 2011 (2010), that youth are less culpable than adults and, therefore, less deserving of life without parole sentences.   Yet, it is clear that race critically and inappropriately influences the assessment of blameworthiness in the context of juvenile life without parole sentencing.  Given this constitutional infirmity, as well as the severity and finality 

 http://bit.ly/yuh15a   Human Rights Watch files an amicus brief. 

Human Rights Watch also joined 25 other institutions in filing an amicus brief before the US Supreme Court in the upcoming cases of Miller v. Alabama and Jackson v. Arkansas. Both involve offenders who were sentenced to life without the possibility of parole for crimes they committed when they were 14 years old. The United States is the only country in the world that sentences youth to life without the possibility of parole for offenses they committed before the age of 18. Universally accepted standards, including several treaties to which the US is a party, condemn such sentencing of youth. We argue that international practice, opinion, and treaty obligations support holding all life without parole sentences for juveniles unconstitutional.